Reforming Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia is a mix of archaic traditions and futuristic ambitions. Its leadership wants to adapt to modern technology and economics but, at the same time, preserve much of its religious and cultural heritage.
Mar 03, 2017
By Fr Thomas Reese, SJ
Saudi Arabia is a mix of archaic traditions and futuristic ambitions. Its leadership wants to adapt to modern technology and economics but, at the same time, preserve much of its religious and cultural heritage.
Saudi Arabia is ruled by a royal family, and the state religion is Wahhabism, a strict version of Sunni Islam. No churches or synagogues are allowed in the kingdom, nor is any missionary activity permitted. A Saudi who converts from Islam to another religion commits a crime. Atheism and denigrating Islam are listed as crimes under their counter-terrorism statute. Religious books or materials cannot be brought into the country.
While Saudi law forbids public worship by non-Muslims, it does allow private worship. A family praying together in their home is safe, but what happens when they invite neighbours and friends to join them? There is no written rule telling people what is permitted, which causes anxiety among worshippers. Saudi authorities seem to be evolving to a “don’t ask, don’t tell” approach to small gatherings, but enforcement can also vary, depending on the whim of local officials.
What has significantly improved the situation of Christians in Saudi Arabia is the reining in of the mutaween or religious police, whom even Saudis found intrusive. In the past, these officials and their vigilante allies had the authority to invade homes and arrest people for violating religious practices and customs. They have hunted down Christian gatherings.
Because of complaints from educated Saudis, the king stripped the religious police of the power to arrest or enter people’s homes without permission. They must now wear photo IDs, which disempowered vigilantes, and must get regular police to make arrests.
Saudi Arabia is looking to the future when its growing population will not be supportable by its dwindling oil reserves. The government provides free healthcare and education, including paying for education abroad. It subsidises many services and is expected to provide jobs for men.
Educational reform is key to preparing the Saudi population for a different work environment, with greater stress on private sector employment. The latest in educational technology and methods are being adapted to Saudi culture in the hopes of creating a technologically savvy and entrepreneurial workforce.
Women will play a key role in that workforce. They are already outperforming men academically, and both foreign and Saudi companies prefer to hire Saudi women rather than Saudi men. Women work hard to prove themselves, while many Saudi men have a sense of entitlement after decades of benefiting from the riches that came from oil.
There is no question that the Saudi government is making reforms because it wants to improve its image in the international community. It is also doing it because it knows that it must change to survive economically in the future. But as a religious people, they must find theological explanations for their reforms.
The Catholic Church explained the changes of Vatican II using the Italian aggiornamento school of theological thought, which looked to early Church thought and practices.
Muslims are following a similar approach. For example, they look into their early history to discover that women and non-Muslims were treated much better in the time of Mohammad than today. Women did not wear veils. Mohammad's wife was a businesswoman. Christians and Jews were allowed freedom of worship.
Other reforms are in response to the fear of radicalism and terrorism. The government has become more careful in funding foreign Muslim organisations. Textbooks are being reformed by removing incendiary and prejudicial language. Radical religious leaders are not funded for trips outside the country. The government is even monitoring more carefully what is said by preachers in Saudi mosques.
But there are still rich Saudi citizens who use their private fortunes to fund radical individuals and groups. Satellite preachers still spew hatred and division across Africa and Asia. --NCR
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